The German Question answered

It turns out, however, that some European leaders were worried not about Russia, but about Germany instead. They feared a reunited Germany would reignite all of the old strategic questions that had plagued Europe for 1,000 years.

Secret archives unveiled recently to mark the anniversary of The Wall's collapse show that British prime minister Margaret Thatcher was deeply concerned that a reinvigorated Germany would pose a threat to the peace of Europe, constituting a greater menace than a weakened Soviet Union.

The documents reportedly show that Thatcher was so fearful of the "German danger" she wanted to isolate it by forging a Triple Alliance with France and Russia. "The 1990s begin with euphoria, they risk ending in catastrophe," Thatcher said.

The diplomatic notes show that French president Francois Mitterrand was also concerned about Germany, although less so than Thatcher.

Apprehension about Germany has a long pedigree in European history. In the Middle Ages, Germany was really 300 principalities, dukedoms and kingdoms, a situation that suited France. By the 19th century, thanks to Napoleon, the number of German states was reduced to 100, with Prussia being the largest and most powerful.

The unification of the Germanies in 1870, however, posed a problem for France. Germany (Prussia) had just humiliated France in a quick war, but it also posed a continuing threat to French security. The new Germany would eventually surpass France in economic output and in military prowess. Hungry for revenge, France tried to isolate Germany through diplomatic alliances, but was unsuccessful until German sabre rattling drove Britain into an alliance with France and Russia.

After the First World War, it was Germany that desired revenge, while the French did their best to isolate Germany and bolster its strength through alliances and military planning. France, of course, was humiliated (again) in 1940, but the Germans were the ultimate losers.

The bottom line is Germany dominated strategic questions in Europe from at least 1870 until the end of the Second World War. With some exceptions and brief interludes, the country was aggressive in its desire to dominate the continent and it was not shy about the use of force.

The full archives will be not be opened until Monday, but the notes released this week show that Thatcher seemed to regard Helmut Kohl, the German chancellor 20 years ago, as the latest in a line of Teutonic bullies. "He (Kohl) sees himself as the master and begins to act like that," she says. "He is capable of anything."

My own view is that Germany has shaken free of its past and that the European Union has become a model for international and inter-governmental co-operation. It's interesting, however, that Thatcher (and, to a lesser extent, Mitterrand) were not sure of that 20 years ago.

It might have something to do with the fact that they both lived through a good part of the 20th century on a continent made dark by German aggression. Thatcher was also not a fan of the EU.

Mitterrand was injured and taken prisoner by Germany in 1940, but later served a controversial role in the collaborationist Vichy government. Thatcher was in school in England during the German blitz, while her (future) husband served overseas.

They were acutely aware of Germany's history, including the fact there have been three separate trials of German war criminals in the 20th century.

German war crimes in the First World War were tried by the Germans themselves, one of the few concessions granted in the Paris peace talks of 1919. The Nuremberg trials after the Second World War involved crimes and atrocities so horrible, they are still not fully understood. And then there were the crimes committed by East Germans, including the shooting of those trying to flee over the hated wall.

German national identity may not be fully understood today -- not that it ever was -- but there is no doubt that it is fundamentally different than the Germany of Bismarck, Kaiser Wilhelm II and Hitler -- or of Erich Honecker, the last Communist leader of East Germany.

The German Question, as it was called for so many years, has been answered.

dave.obrien@freepress.mb.ca

Republished from the Winnipeg Free Press print edition November 7, 2009 A18