Welcome to Winnipeg, Mr. Trudeau

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The last time Winnipeg hosted the federal Liberals’ biennial convention, a different Trudeau was in charge, the Free Press classified ad department just started using video-display terminals instead of writing out the ads by hand and sirloin steak was going for $3.29 a pound. There was also rising animosities between Ottawa and the western provinces, who thought the federal government was only interested in the economic prosperity of Ontario and Quebec.

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Opinion

Hey there, time traveller!
This article was published 28/05/2016 (3422 days ago), so information in it may no longer be current.

The last time Winnipeg hosted the federal Liberals’ biennial convention, a different Trudeau was in charge, the Free Press classified ad department just started using video-display terminals instead of writing out the ads by hand and sirloin steak was going for $3.29 a pound. There was also rising animosities between Ottawa and the western provinces, who thought the federal government was only interested in the economic prosperity of Ontario and Quebec.

Much of the animosity between the West and Ottawa was exacerbated by the introduction of the National Energy Program in 1980. The now-defunct program still incites negative reactions from folks in the West, particularly in Alberta, but Alberta’s issues with the Liberal party predate the implementation of the NEP and the party was shut out of Alberta completely from 1972 until 1993, with the breakthrough election of Jean Chrétien. Much of the anti-Liberal rhetoric in that province emanated from then-premier Peter Lougheed, who was trying to wrest power away from the federal government so that Alberta had more control over its resources and, in particular, its oil and gas industry.

While the NEP may have hurt Liberal fortunes in the West, a decision to give Quebec an important contract also seriously crippled the Conservatives’ reputation in the region. Recall that one of the reasons that then-prime minister Brian Mulroney began to loose popularity was because of his controversial decision in 1986 to give a Montreal firm a 20-year, $100-million maintenance contract for Canada’s new CF-18 fighter jets, despite assuring the premier at the time, Howard Pawley, that the Manitoba bid was superior.

JOHN WOODS / THE CANADIAN PRESS
A Liberal delegate
JOHN WOODS / THE CANADIAN PRESS A Liberal delegate

The Reform Party was born, in part, due to the anger from that move with “the West wants in” becoming a familiar phrase — and under leader Preston Manning the party grew, with Deb Grey winning in a byelection as the first Reform MP ever, in 1989.

See, that’s the problem with politics: Mr. Mulroney had to shore up support for Meech Lake in Quebec, and by providing a contract of this magnitude to Montreal, he no doubt hoped he could shore up Conservative support in Quebec. Meanwhile, Winnipeggers were furious.

This has to be a lesson for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. Today, as he speaks to party supporters in Winnipeg, he should take a lesson from this history to manage the balancing act necessary to ensure that a multitude of concerns are met with policy initiatives that work best for Canada, sensitive to regional and identity concerns. Because, let’s face it, since back in 1980 when his father Pierre was the leader of this party, the number of diverse voices demanding attention has grown. It’s no longer just about regions. It’s about regions within regions, identities within identities. Canada has never been homogeneic, but the ability to mobilize and organize has allowed for those various identities to now have a voice.

The Prairies may demand the oil and gas industry remains a key economic driving force, but the environmental movement has become very politically savvy and has been vocal about its concerns on climate change. Manitoba will demand federal help to sustain its social programs, while First Nations groups in this province quite rightfully are demanding that boil-water advisories become a thing of the past. While Manitoba may want Ottawa to help ensure the viability of the Canadian Museum for Human Rights, national museums in Ottawa will make similar demands to improve their exhibits. Condemnation is quick when policy initiatives don’t move fast enough and when the price tags are too high.

The bottom line is, increasingly government must become a hydra — a many-headed serpent that has to deal with demands from every direction and somehow keep everyone happy. It’s sure to disappoint. This is a very new world for a prime minister — and a difficult one at that. One wonders what Pierre would say if he were on the stage with his son now.

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