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The Bloc Québécois: blackmail, or the long game?

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As any avid consumer of suspense novels and movies can tell you, the key to creating tension, and a potentially satisfying dramatic payoff, in a storyline involving a ransom note and a ticking clock is the possibility that the note’s recipient might actually be willing and/or able to pay the ransom.

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Opinion

Hey there, time traveller!
This article was published 04/10/2024 (659 days ago), so information in it may no longer be current.

As any avid consumer of suspense novels and movies can tell you, the key to creating tension, and a potentially satisfying dramatic payoff, in a storyline involving a ransom note and a ticking clock is the possibility that the note’s recipient might actually be willing and/or able to pay the ransom.

Bloc Québécois Leader Yves-François Blanchet seems disinterested in this fundamental aspect of narrative logic.

Blanchet has been ratcheting up the pressure on the federal Liberal minority government, whose grip on power grows more tenuous with each passing day.

THE CANADIAN PRESS
                                Bloc Québécois Leader Yves-Francois Blanchet

THE CANADIAN PRESS

Bloc Québécois Leader Yves-Francois Blanchet

This week Blanchet issued a double ultimatum, stating that if Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s government does not, by Oct. 29, pass two pieces of Bloc-sponsored legislation, it will be prepared to vote in favour of a non-confidence motion, potentially triggering a federal election before year’s end.

By linking this threat to two specific pieces of legislation, Blanchet has done the equivalent of slipping a ransom note under the door of the prime minister’s office: pay up, or you’ll never see your precious government again.

The problem is that Trudeau has neither the political capital nor the legislative means to acquiesce to the ransomers’ demands. What remains to be seen, then, is whether the Bloc has the fortitude to pull the trigger once the pay-up deadline has passed.

Bill C-282 is a private member’s bill introduced by the Bloc which would exempt supply-managed agricultural sectors such as dairy, eggs and poultry from any future international trade negotiations.

The bill is currently before a Senate committee; since the Liberals have, officially, very little control over how long it will be debated there, the Oct. 29 deadline becomes something of a moot point.

More immediately problematic is Bill C-319, a Bloc-issued private member’s bill proposing a 10 per cent increase to benefits for seniors aged 65 to 74. Blanchet has argued the bill is necessary because the federal government’s 2022 top-up of benefits for seniors aged 75 and older is discriminatory to those in the earlier stage of their golden years.

The difficulty with Bill C-319 is that enhancing benefits for seniors aged 65 to 74 — while no doubt popular with the large segment of the Bloc’s base that resides in that older demographic — is at odds with the fiscal realities facing Trudeau’s besieged government. Its last budget, titled “Fairness for every generation,” emphasized supporting younger Canadians struggling with inflationary pressures and high housing costs, rather than seniors, who on average have much greater net worth.

Bill C-319 would cost $16 billion over the next five years; passage of a private member’s bill that involves spending tax dollars requires a “royal recommendation” from the government before it can be submitted for third reading in the House and subsequently passed. A vote on that recommendation was held Wednesday; most Liberals opposed it, while the Bloc, Conservatives and NDP all supported it. The impact was only symbolic because the motion was non-binding.

Still, it set the stage for Blanchet to declare his party could move as soon as next week to collaborate with other parties to bring down the Liberal government.

The ransom demand, of course, cannot realistically be met — which Blanchet must surely have been aware when the figurative note was crafted. One wonders if the real intent, then, is to accelerate a federal election that will produce a Conservative majority government, whose ideological bent under the leadership of Pierre Poilievre would likely help create conditions favourable to the Quebec-sovereignty vote that has been the ultimate goal of the Bloc since its inception.

And that seems more like a chess move — looking for a checkmate much further away than late October — than a ransom demand.

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