Federal Conservatives can learn from the past

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This article was published 07/07/2023 (1003 days ago), so information in it may no longer be current.

Ethan Boyda and Royce Koop

The Conservative Party of Canada is unique in its seemingly oxymoronic blend of success and suffering.

On one hand, the Tories are one of the longest surviving parties in the democratic world. And, unlike most other old parties, the Conservatives have seen their vote share trend upwards over the course of their long existence.

On the other hand, the Tories have consistently played second fiddle electorally. The party’s main rival, the Liberal Party, established dominance over the course of the 20^th century. Conservatives often languished on the opposition benches as a result.

In 1980, political scientist George Perlin provided a persuasive explanation for the Conservatives’ weakness throughout the 20^th century, which he termed the Tory Syndrome. Perlin observed that a pattern of infighting within the party created a self-reinforcing cycle where the leader was constantly undermined and unable to create the unity needed to win votes and govern effectively.

Infighting helps us to understand Tory failure in the 20^th century, but what about the 21^st? In fact, the 21^st century seems to have seen several steps in the right direction (pun intended), as former prime minister Stephen Harper’s time in government addressed some but not all of the symptoms of the syndrome.

Today, the Conservative Party appears to be more unified that it has been in the past. The current leader, Pierre Poilievre, seems to be well aware of the balance that needs to be maintained between the different factions of the party, and regularly tends to the needs of internal party groups. Poilievre’s landslide win in the 2022 party leadership race suggests a newfound unity within Conservative ranks.

However, intraparty conflict lurks beneath the surface. Erin O’Toole fell victim to the infighting of his own caucus and was unceremoniously cast out of leadership in 2022. And seemingly small incidents can sometimes indicate continued tension under the Tory umbrella.

As Poilievre looks to defeat the Liberal government in the next election and usher in a new era of Tory success, he may look to previous Tory governments for guidance. Harper is a particularly instructive example of a leader who seemed to buck the syndrome.

Harper’s terms as prime minister saw both his iron fist and the instability of minority governments hold his party together and begin to treat the syndrome at the source. Harper was infamous during his time as prime minister for employing a command mode of cabinet and centralizing power. His control over his cabinet, campaign, policy and the Conservative fundraising arm led not only to efficient governing, but unity within the party.

Harper also recognized the need for unity among the various groups within the Tory base, focusing on ensuring that Tories in Ontario, the West and (with less success) Quebec all remained on board as part of his winning coalition. This united front was also a product of the party’s parliamentary position, as the Tories were held to minority governments from 2006 to their 2011 majority win. These conditions forced the Conservatives to band together to pass bills and maintain confidence in the house.

The result was a new development in the history of the Conservative party, which saw the party hold government for three consecutive terms for the first time since Perlin initially observed the Tory Syndrome under Diefenbaker.

Harper’s strategy succeeded in holding the party together but was flawed in some ways. There was remarkably little infighting among Tories while they were in power. This allowed them to present the united front needed to hold government and win elections. Harper’s spell in office also provided an opportunity for the party to learn both how to be disciplined and how to govern and to use the benefits of government to improve the standing of their party.

However, the unity that Harper maintained seemed to be personal in nature. Harper himself was the source of discipline, and discipline thus faded once Harper and his people were no longer around to maintain it. The underlying issues of the Tory Syndrome — such as inexperience in elected office and a base with competing interests prone to disagreement — will continue to be challenges for the Conservatives moving forward.

Arguably, the most important qualification for a CPC leader is someone who possesses the political sense to recognize and balance the competing interests of a winning coalition without holding all the power in his or her own hands. All the while, the Conservatives must build a culture of unity and stability that shows Canadians that the party is fit to govern.

The Tory Syndrome will likely continue to plague the Conservative party of Canada, but learning from Harper and pursuing harmony will give the Tories a chance at a clean bill of health.

Ethan Boyda is a 4th-year Political Studies student studying at the University of Manitoba. Royce Koop is a professor of political studies at the University of Manitoba and academic director of the Centre for Social Science Research and Policy.