The Trudeaus and Cuba

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While travelling around Cuba in May, I began to ask myself a very interesting question: what are the similarities and differences between the two Trudeau Liberal governments — father and son — in their respective approaches to Canadian-Cuban relations?

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Opinion

Hey there, time traveller!
This article was published 21/08/2023 (996 days ago), so information in it may no longer be current.

While travelling around Cuba in May, I began to ask myself a very interesting question: what are the similarities and differences between the two Trudeau Liberal governments — father and son — in their respective approaches to Canadian-Cuban relations?

Former prime minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau had an outstanding relationship with revolutionary Cuba from 1968-78. He was, of course, particularly close personally to Cuba’s Fidel Castro and both men shared similar ideological views and thoughts on the role of the United States in the world.

With both governments in Ottawa and Havana proponents of seeking counterweights to the U.S., Trudeau Sr. was a big proponent of people-to-people exchanges between the two countries. It was actually under his tenure, and after two years of negotiations with the Castro government, that large numbers of Canadians began to flock to Cuba for the sun, sea and sand. What began as a trickle (some 33,000 in 1977) has now turned into a veritable flood (roughly 1.3 million in 2019).

Moreover, he clearly enhanced and deepened Canada’s long-standing approach to Cuba of diplomatic engagement, respectful dialogue and commercial interaction — even visiting the country long after leaving public office.

One of the major highlights of Pierre Trudeau’s relations with Cuba was his January 1976 official visit to Cuba. Not without controversy back home and in NATO capitals, his boisterous speech in Cienfuegos was wildly received by the assembled Cuban crowd of thousands. Shouting enthusiastically “Viva el Primer Ministro Fidel Castro!” was not something that Canadian governments typical did, but Trudeau was never much for following the official script or protocol.

Not everything, though, was smooth sailing in the bilateral relationship during the Trudeau Sr. years. There was the dust-up over Cuba’s significant military support to the leftist Angolan government in the 1970s and 1980s. And there were always differences of opinion over human rights and Cuban backing for various revolutionary movements in the developing world.

But the overall tenor of relations between Canada and Cuba was excellent under Pierre Trudeau. I would posit, however, that they are less so under the leadership of Justin Trudeau. That is not to suggest that the bilateral relationship is rocky by any stretch, but just to say that the diplomatic tone is cooler and the level of engagement is arguably less.

He, too, made a high-profile pilgrimage to Havana in November of 2016 and appeared to get along well with then-Cuban Leader Raúl Castro. But the governmental actions and followup of the Justin Trudeau Liberals have not corresponded to the once-flowery bilateral language and noticeable smiles.

Now, Trudeau Jr. has had his own share of controversy when it comes to Cuba. Recall his glowing comments about the passing of Fidel Castro in late 2016, which were roundly condemned — though clearly out of proportion to what was actually stated — by the media, opposition party members and even Stephen Harper’s son, Ben.

Like his father, bilateral relations under Justin Trudeau have also had their frosty moments. In terms of the so-called “Havana Syndrome” or concussion-like symptoms afflicting diplomats at the Canadian embassy, the Trudeau government’s response was clearly more measured than that of the Trump Administration (including a decision not to issue a travel advisory for Cuba or to blame Havana for the brain injuries).

It was, however, not exactly what the Cubans had been hoping for. And there was obvious displeasure within the Cuban government over the inexplicable reduction in Canadian consular officers (mimicking a similar move by Washington) at the embassy.

In addition, Havana has certainly not appreciated Ottawa’s interjection of the current Venezuelan crisis (or even the war in Ukraine) into the Canada-Cuba relationship. And any efforts to pressure the Cubans into ditching Nicolás Maduro’s government in Caracas (or Putin in Moscow) were bound to lead to hard feelings in Havana.

More significantly, critical comments by the Trudeau government over Havana’s July 11, 2021 brutal crackdown on popular dissent were not well-received by the Cuban side. My guess is that those pointed remarks by Ottawa came as a bit of a surprise to Cuba and matched the tone coming out of Washington — only compounding the disappointment.

For what it’s worth, I think that the main difference between the two Trudeaus when it comes to Cuba is one of personal commitment and solidarity. Trudeau the father built up a strong personal relationship with Fidel Castro (hence his selection as an honorary pallbearer at his October 2000 funeral) and had a genuine interest in Cuba.

In contrast, Trudeau the son does not seem to have any deep connections to (even skipping Castro’s November 2016 funeral service), or heart-felt investment in, Cuba — or Latin America in general. But without the people-to-people component advocated by his father, and so important to the Cubans, the overall relationship under Justin Trudeau is likely to remain stuck in neutral.

Peter McKenna is professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island in Charlottetown.

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