Engagement with Cuba is best plan

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These are extraordinarily challenging times for most Cubans. And as a constructive partner of Canada’s, the current situation in Cuba places a spotlight on our cordial bilateral relationship.

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Opinion

Hey there, time traveller!
This article was published 16/08/2021 (1484 days ago), so information in it may no longer be current.

These are extraordinarily challenging times for most Cubans. And as a constructive partner of Canada’s, the current situation in Cuba places a spotlight on our cordial bilateral relationship.

There are a number of driving forces at play in today’s Cuba, with none more significant than the devastating coronavirus pandemic. (Complicating matters were the government’s recent financial and currency reforms that, unfortunately, precipitated an increase in prices and inflationary pressures.)

Indeed, COVID-19 cases are rising in the country, medical syringes are in short supply and the long lineups for food products are all exacerbating a difficult situation (with some Cubans protesting in the streets).

Ismael Francisco / The Associated Press
Government supporters attend a caravan “for love, peace and solidarity,” organized by the Union of Young Communists in Havana on Aug. 5.
Ismael Francisco / The Associated Press Government supporters attend a caravan “for love, peace and solidarity,” organized by the Union of Young Communists in Havana on Aug. 5.

Moreover, with tourism receipts falling off a cliff, a drop in overall GDP of almost 15 per cent and a poor sugar harvest, the Cuban government does not have the cash to bring in much-needed imports of food and fuel.

Mind you, this is not a return to the god-awful days of the so-called “Special Period” in the early 1990s, when empty supermarket shelves, fuel shortages and constant power outages and a paucity of medical supplies were commonplace in Cuba. But that is cold comfort for the multitudes of Cubans who are now struggling mightily.

One should not, however, underestimate the remarkable ability of Cubans to persevere and to improvise as they did in the 1990s. The development and distribution of five reliable COVID-19 vaccine candidates — a remarkable feat for a small developing country — will also reduce some of the discontent and domestic pressure. And if, and when, Cuba’s tourism sector opens up again to the rest of the world, it will buy the central government some more time.

Meanwhile, there are some voices in Canada calling upon Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s government to adopt a more hard-line stance toward Havana. Indeed, they were quick to condemn the initial statement put out by Canada’s global affairs department that urged “all sides to exercise restraint and encourages all parties involved in the crisis to engage in peaceful and inclusive dialogue.”

After feeling some political heat, Trudeau changed course and stated, “We’re deeply concerned by the violent crackdown on protests by the Cuban regime. We condemn the arrests and repression by authorities of peaceful demonstration.”

Not entirely satisfied, critics of Canada-Cuba relations wanted Ottawa to get tougher with Havana. Some Cuban-Canadians are pressing the Trudeau government to advocate for greater democratization and marketization in the country. Others are even calling for Canada to be part of an international mission to intervene directly in Cuba.

None of those suggestions, however, will be effective in terms of altering the conduct of the Cuban government. As Canada has discovered in the past, trying to attach conditions on maintaining a mutually-beneficial relationship is a non-starter with the Cubans. It’s just not on.

Besides, you’re talking about a country that has withstood U.S. enmity and aggression for more than 60 years. The Cubans are not, therefore, going to be cowed by any threatening language or conditionality from Canada.

It would be far more effective if officialdom in Ottawa thought more along the lines of engagement rather than estrangement. To be sure, adopting an approach like the failed U.S. Cuba policy, based largely on hostility, punishment and isolation, hardly seems like a winning strategy.

It would be better for us to engage in dialogue, confidence and trust-building, and a frank exchange of ideas with the Cubans — as Canada has done historically. That isn’t to suggest Ottawa doesn’t have any cards to play when it comes to Cuba, but the makings of a winning hand will depend on the respectful manner, genuine concern and diplomatic tone Canada brings to the bilateral table.

It is also worth remembering that Canada has important interests at stake in its relations with Cuba. And being able to point to a Cuba policy that is different from Washington’s — at least in terms of its tactical approach — pays valuable political and symbolic dividends to a Canadian government.

Additionally, it helps to know that more than one million Canadians (in a non-pandemic year) count on annually travelling to the island for sun and fun during the winter months. It also doesn’t hurt Canada’s standing and profile in the wider Americas by adopting a constructive policy approach to a regional favourite such as Cuba.

Economically speaking, Cuba is one of Canada’s largest trading partners in the Caribbean region. And Canadians are also among the top foreign investors in the country — particularly in the mining, energy and tourism sectors.

So this is not the time to radically change or “Americanize” Canada’s Cuba posture. Our long-standing approach of constructive engagement across a wide array of policy areas has served us well over the decades. If anything, the Trudeau government needs to inject some new political energy into revitalizing the overall Canada-Cuba relationship.

Peter McKenna is professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island and the editor of an upcoming collection examining Stephen Harper’s foreign policy record.

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